Speech by Prof. Dr. Heinrich Kreft, Ambassador (ret.), President of the Diplomatic Council, at the book presentation „Europe and the Emerging New Global Order“ in the Rumanian Embassy in Berlin in September 2025
Your Excellency – Dear Ms Ambassador Stanescu!
Members and friends of the Diplomatic Council
Distinguished Guests,
Thank you for the opportunity to speak to you today about a topic of immense importance: Europe’s security and the emerging new global order.
As a former diplomat, and someone who has spent decades observing and engaging with international affairs, I can tell you that we are living through a historic transformation – one that will define not only the future of Europe but the future of the global balance of power.
I. The End of the Post-Cold War Illusion
Let us begin by acknowledging a simple but powerful truth:
The post-Cold War order is over.
For a time, after 1989, many in the West believed we had reached the “end of history,” as Francis Fukuyama famously wrote. Liberal democracy appeared triumphant. The European Union expanded. NATO grew stronger. Globalization brought unprecedented interdependence.
But today, that optimism seems naïve.
We are witnessing a return of great power rivalry, the erosion of multilateral institutions, and the rise of authoritarian powers that openly challenge the Western-led international order.
Europe, long accustomed to peace and prosperity, is once again confronted with war on its continent – the brutal Russian aggression against Ukraine.
II. Russia's War and the Wake-Up Call for Europe
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was not merely a regional conflict. It was – and remains – a strategic earthquake. It shattered the illusion that interdependence could deter aggression. It exposed Europe’s overreliance on Russian energy. And it forced us to rethink our basic assumptions about deterrence, defense, and diplomacy.
This war is not just about Ukraine. It is about the future of the European security architecture. President Putin aims to rewrite the rules of the post-World War II order – through force.
Europe must now answer a fundamental question:
Do we have the political will and the strategic clarity to defend our values and interests?
III. The Role of NATO and Transatlantic Unity
In this context, NATO has proven to be more vital than ever. The Alliance responded swiftly and decisively to the Russian threat – not by engaging in the war directly, but by reinforcing deterrence along its eastern flank.
Finland and Sweden’s accession to NATO sends a strong signal:
European security depends on collective defense.
However, let me stress: NATO is only as strong as its members’ commitment to it. Europe must invest more in defense. The 2% GDP benchmark can no longer be seen as aspirational – it is now the minimum. Germany and most members of NATO have agreed to the new benchmark of 5 %.
The United States remains the indispensable partner. But we cannot take American engagement for granted. Europe must become a more capable and reliable security actor. This is not about replacing the U.S., but about assuming greater responsibility within the Alliance.
IV. A More Geopolitical European Union?
Beyond NATO, the European Union itself must evolve. For too long, the EU was seen primarily as a peace project – a “Zivilmacht”, an economic union, and a regulatory superpower. But in today’s world, geopolitics is back – and the EU must respond accordingly.
We need a “Geopolitical Europe” – a Union that speaks the language of power, that can act strategically, and that can defend its interests in a multipolar world.
This means:
- Strengthening the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy.
- Improving military mobility and defense capabilities.
- Building resilience in critical infrastructure, supply chains, and cyber defense.
- And critically – maintaining unity among the 27, especially in times of crisis.
V. The Shifting Global Order: Multipolarity and the Rise of China
Now let us turn to the broader global picture.
The emerging world order is not one of unipolar dominance, as in the 1990s, but of multipolar competition. The United States, China, Russia, India, and regional powers like Turkey and Iran are all shaping the international environment.
Most significantly, China is challenging the West not only economically, but also ideologically and technologically. Beijing offers an alternative model of governance – authoritarian, state-capitalist, and nationalist.
While China does not pose the same immediate military threat to Europe as Russia does, its strategic ambition is clear. It is building influence through the Belt and Road Initiative, expanding its military reach, and reshaping international institutions to reflect its interests.
Europe must not be naïve. We must engage with China where necessary – but also diversify strategically, protect our critical technologies, and push back against coercive economic practices.
VI. Strategic Autonomy: A European Necessity
In this rapidly evolving global landscape, we Europeans must ask ourselves:
What role do we want to play?
We cannot afford to be passive observers. We must become strategic actors.
This is where the concept of strategic autonomy comes in. Some have misunderstood this term as anti-American. That is incorrect. Strategic autonomy is not about distancing ourselves from our allies – it is about ensuring that Europe can act when necessary, especially when others are unwilling or unable.
To achieve this, Europe must:
- Develop its own capabilities in defense, intelligence, cyber and space.
- Reduce dependencies in energy, technology, and supply chains.
- Deepen partnerships with like-minded countries beyond the transatlantic sphere – particularly in the Indo-Pacific.
- Help reform global institutions.
VII. The Role of Values and Democracy
Finally, let me emphasize something that is often overlooked in security debates:
Values matter.
Authoritarian powers are not only challenging us geopolitically – they are also waging an ideological battle. Disinformation, cyberattacks, and hybrid warfare are designed to erode trust in democracy, sow division, and weaken our societies from within.
If we want to secure Europe’s future, we must also defend our democratic values – at home and abroad.
Supporting Ukraine is not just about territory – it is about defending the right of nations to choose their own path. It is about upholding international law and the UN Charter.
In this new global order, Europe must be a pillar of liberal democracy. That is our strength, our identity, and our responsibility.
VIII. Conclusion: A Moment of Strategic Clarity
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are at a “Zeitenwende” – at a turning point.
Europe’s security can no longer be taken for granted. The new global order is not being negotiated in conference rooms – it is being shaped on the battlefield, in space and cyberspace, and in the struggle between democratic and authoritarian models.
Let us respond to this challenge with clarity, with courage, and with unity.
As Europeans, we must:
- Strengthen our defenses.
- Deepen transatlantic ties.
- Engage with the world as strategic actors in order to reform global governance structures.
- And above all – remain true to the values that define us.
Thank you for your attention.